Hassan Sheikh’s Term Extension

Overview

After two consecutive rounds of talks between the Hassan Sheikh government and the opposition, the discussions failed to produce any meaningful breakthrough, largely because Hassan remained firm and adamant about his political vision despite sustained pressure and encouragement from the international community.

On 15 May, Hassan Sheikh declared that his mandate is not over, arguing that under the current constitutional framework his term now extends until May 2027. Basing this on the constitutional manoeuvres he pushed earlier, which were framed at the time as not affecting the current term and only applying after the next election cycle.

Both the previous and current administrations have used electoral transitions as justification for remaining in office beyond expected timelines. With the previous regime, a controversial one-year extension was approved by the lower house of parliament, but it quickly escalated into a major political and security crisis, with pressure building in the capital and ultimately forcing a return to the election process under intense internal and external pressure.

What This Means

The constitution was the agreement that brought Somalia back together after years of collapse, conflict, and broken state authority. It was meant to stand above individual leaders and political interests, not be shaped or engineered for the benefit of whoever happens to be in power. When it starts being interpreted, adjusted, or stretched based on short-term political needs, it loses its original purpose as a national foundation of unity and trust.

The Parliament also comes under serious question. Instead of acting as an independent body that protects the public interest and checks executive power, it has been reduced to a voting block for political decisions already decided elsewhere. MPs are expected to safeguard national direction, yet too often they are seen supporting constitutional or electoral changes that align with their immediate political survival or advantage. That weakens the institution itself and creates the impression that parliament exists more to approve decisions than to challenge or refine them in the national interest.

We know what it took to build a functioning federal government after years of war and fragmentation, and it was only possible through compromise and agreement between different political forces. That foundation is now under pressure again, with Puntland and Jubaland already moving further away from the federal process and others potentially being drawn into the same direction under political pressure. The constitution and the electoral framework are not areas that can be treated casually or used for short-term political positioning; they sit at the core of Somalia’s unity. If they become contested tools rather than shared agreements, then the stability and togetherness of the country itself comes into question

Conclusion

The hard work and sacrifices it took to rebuild a Somali government after years of civil war, state collapse, and complete lawlessness are well known. Somalia was reunited through political agreements and compromises. With Puntland and Jubaland distancing themselves from the federal government, the bigger question now is how the relationship between the federal government and the member states is being shaped going forward. The system was designed on the idea of shared authority, consultation, and mutual agreement between the center and the states. When that balance begins to shift too heavily toward the federal government without broad consensus from the member states, this risks weakening the very foundation of the federal arrangement over time